Lords of Tikal Narratives and Identities

Lords of Tikal: Narratives and Identities
Alexandre Tokovinine
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University
1
Abstract:
This paper examines several key titles of Tikal rulers, which reveal different
facets of the identity of this mighty Classic Maya royal family. Tikal “emblem
glyph” suggests that the rulers of the city saw themselves primarily as a local
dynasty. Nevertheless, they also traced their royal line to the same ancient
location of “Maguey altar” as did some other powerful royal houses. Tikal lords
also identified themselves with a larger geopolitical entity of “thirteen divisions”
which is reminiscent of some Post-Classic concepts of the ideal geopolitical
order.
Resúmen
Este artículo examina algunos títulos frecuentes de los reyes de Tikal. Estos
títulos y las historias supuestamente asociadas con ellos nos permiten
reconstruir varios aspectos de la identidad de esta poderosa familia real. El “glifo
emblema” de Tikal sugiere que sus gobernadores se presentaban como los
reyes sumamente locales. Sin embargo, ellos se asociaban con el mismo lugar
de origen que otras grandes dinastías mayas. Los reyes de Tikal también
pertenecían al grupo geopolítico llamado “trece particiones” que parece mucho a
los conceptos de la organización geopolítica ideal que aparecen en los
documentos del periodo Postclásico.
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Introduction
This paper attempts to shed some light on the subject of Classic Maya
political identities. The object of the study is the lords of Tikal (Figure 1), one of
the better-studied Classic Maya sites with a large corpus of inscriptions and a
relatively well-understood political history (Martin and Grube 2000:25-53; Martin
2003). We are going to look at several key titles of Tikal rulers and see where
these titles and associated narratives place this royal family in a larger political
landscape.1
For the purposes of this study, “identity” is – in line with “weak
conceptions” (Brubaker and Cooper 2000:14-21) – a situational category of
ascription. In fact, I am mostly concerned with identity as identification defined
here as instances of naming by oneself or others in the context of written
narratives. Classic Maya identifications are inherently political because of the
nature of the available texts – inscriptions on various objects commissioned and
owned by rulers and members of their courts.
It is also worth emphasizing that the view of Tikal lords’ identities
presented in this paper is largely atemporal. It does not mean that their identities
were not subject to change throughout the Classic period (A.D. 250-909). The
problem is that the amount of the preserved legible inscriptions is so small for
such a huge span of time that any perceived difference may be explained by a
sampling error. The absolute majority of known texts were produced in the Late
Classic and this is the time period that we understand best in terms of written
narratives and their significance.
The “Emblem Glyph” of Tikal Rulers
The principal title of Tikal rulers is “holy Mutal lords” also known as their
“emblem glyph” since Berlin (1958) identified this group of royal titles. Tikal lords
are occasionally referred to as “those of Mutal” but “(holy) Mutal lords” is way
more common (Tables 1 and 3). The establishment and the spread of the Tikalderived dynasty in the Petexbatun region are accompanied by the proliferation of
rulers using the Tikal emblem glyph (Houston 1993; Martin and Grube 2000:54-
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67). However, these Petexbatun Mutal lords never use the word “Mutal” when
referring to their political domains or specific sites of their royal courts. On the
other hand, Tikal lords briefly claim the titles of Naranjo rulers towards the end of
the Early Classic. This link between Tikal and Naranjo dynasties is apparently
based on a dynastic union and does not last more than a couple generations
(Tokovinine and Fialko 2007).
Mutal is used as a place name only when referring to the domain of Tikal
rulers-proper. There is a widespread assertion that Tikal lords distinguished
between the name of their polity and the name of the ancient city – Mutal vs. Yax
Mutal (Stuart and Houston 1994:58-60; Martin and Grube 2000:30). However, a
closer look at the Tikal inscriptions (Table 2) reveals no consistent pattern in the
use of Yax Mutal vs. Mutal. Yax Mutal is just a version of the same place name.
Direct references to Mutal or Yax Mutal are spread across the core area of
the site of Tikal (Table 2 and Figure 2). Most are concentrated in the North
Acropolis and the Great Plaza. Altar 8 with a Yax Mutal place register is located
in the North Group. The so-called “Ball Court Marker” was found in the Mundo
Perdido Complex (Laporte and Fialko 1995).
There are at least three examples when Mutal is part of larger toponymic
sequences (Table 2). The inscription and the place register on Tikal Stela 1
appear to contain a fuller version of the same place name as “hot ocean bluegreen / original / precious mutal” (k'ihn ?palaw yax mutal). It would not be the
only extended place name of this kind: a place register on Yaxha Stela 2 (Grube
2000:Fig.197) elaborates the typical Yaxa' ancient name of Yaxha (“Green-blue
waters”) into Yax k'uk' [?] ha' yaxa' (“green blue quetzal [?] waters [of] green-blue
waters”). In the inscriptions on Tikal Stela 31, the expression chan ch'e'n appears
between Mutal and a lower-order place name that remains undeciphered. Its
main sign is a serpent or a shark head probably conflated with IK' “black.”
The third example is a set of linked references in the text on Lintel 3 at
Temple 4. It mentions a dance at a certain “house” named with a series of
undeciphered signs and a combination of the logograms AKAN, CHAPAHT, and
either number 10 or a head of death deity (CHAMIIY). The narrative continues by
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specifying that the event took place in a location with a similar name
(Lajuun/Chamiiy Akan chapaht haab nal) in Yax Mutal. There seems to be a
hierarchy of places: a building, possibly with a courtyard where dances were
performed, a larger area within which that building was located, and the entire
site of Tikal.
So far, we have established that the principal title of Tikal rulers links them
to a place name corresponding to the core of the archaeological site of Tikal. But
what can the toponym itself reveal about the significance of this place?
Tikal’s place name is usually transcribed as MUT-la and transliterated as
Mutal or Mutu’l. Like many Classic Maya place names, it seems to be a derived
noun that means “place of X” or “place where X abounds” (Lacadena GarcíaGallo and Wichmann 2005). Therefore, it seems that the presence or the
abundance of something spelled with the logogram MUT gave its name to the
ancient city.
Unfortunately, the decipherment of the logogram MUT is by no means
certain. It was proposed by Stuart (2000) who argued that MUT would be the
most plausible reading because the logogram was occasionally preceded by muand followed by –tu phonetic complements. Stuart’s argument was to a large
extent based on the Yucatec gloss mut for “plait” that corresponded nicely to
some versions of the logogram, which resembled tied hair (Figure 3a). However,
the gloss mut with such meaning does not exist. It is a misread me’et that made
into some editions of Diccionario de Viena and was cited as such in Barrera
Vasquez’s dictionary (Barrera Vásquez, et al. 1995:542). Therefore, the
logogram may be MUT, but it may also be anything like mu-CV-t and even if
stands for “mut,” we no longer know what it means.
In the absence of any firm linguistic evidence, the only (and arguably
problematic) clue to the meaning of the Tikal place name is the iconography of
the MUT logogram. There are several allographs, which can be roughly divided
into the inanimate and animate sets (Figure 3). The inanimate versions of the
sign appear to show a kind of tied hair or, more likely, tied reeds or feathers
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(Figure 3a). The animate variants depict a head or even a full body of a tied
feathered alligator (Figure 3b).
An identical alligator is a prominent feature of the so-called scaffold
accession scenes, which are attested as early as San Bartolo murals and as late
as the Paris Codex (Taube 1988b; Saturno, et al. 2005:Figura 3). The creature
always appears on top of the sky (a sky band or a starry deer crocodile) and
underneath the ruler (Figure 4). There can be no doubt that the scene reflects a
widely shared mythical narrative that was re-created in every accession ritual, be
it a king or a divine katun ruler.
Consequently, one can suggest that the ancient name of Tikal establishes
a link between a highly important myth and the site. Tikal is the place of this tied
alligator (or the place where it abounds). As such, Tikal would be virtually woven
in every single Classic Maya accession story.
Ancient Origins
Although there are no firm dates for the first rulers of Tikal, its count of
kings suggests that Mutal lords traced their line back to around 100 A.D. (Martin
and Grube 2000:26-27; Martin 2003:4-6). At this point, Tikal’s foundation
narrative becomes part of a larger set of events linked to a location with an
undeciphered name known as “Maguey Throne,” “Chi Wits,” or “Chi-Bent Cauac”
(Table 4, Figure 5). I would call it [chi-[T316]]. The importance of these narratives
and this place has long been noticed by epigraphers (Schele 1992; Grube 2004;
Stuart 2004). The main theme is period ending rituals at [chi-[T316]] with a
particular emphasis on the event in AD 159.
The main protagonist of the events is a so-called “Foliated Ajaw,”
although, as Grube (2004:129) points out, the span of time associated with his
activities suggests that this is a mythological character. The alternative
explanation would be that “Foliated Ajaw” is a name of multiple characters,
maybe even a title. The narratives on Tikal and Pusilha monuments refer to
period endings at [chi-[T316]] as like-in-kind events, the earliest in each narrative.
Therefore, it can be interpreted as a foundational event of some kind.
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An important context of the [chi-[T316]] place name is the association
between individuals and this location. Interestingly enough, there are no rulers
claiming the title of “[chi-[T316]] lords.” Instead, the most popular title is [chi[T316]] yajawte' that may indicate a kinship relation of some kind.
The statements on Schaffhausen vessel detailing the pedigree of the
Kanu’l ancestor (Prager 2004) and on Tikal Stela 22 that reports the king’s
number from the founder of the dynasty appear even more general. The Kanu'l
founder is called “man of [chi-[T316]].” Tikal’s dynastic founder is described as
“K'awiil of [chi-[T316]].” In other words, the foundation event is linked to the first
Mutal lord at Tikal, but his origins are placed at [chi-[T316]], although the
narrative does not clarify, possibly deliberately, whether Tikal’s first ruler was
from [chi-[T316]] or just went there to receive some tokens of lordship.
Shared (Contested?) Maize Gods
The fact that several Classic Maya dynasties including Mutal lords of Tikal
and their Kanu’l arch-rivals at Calakmul shared a link to [chi-[T316]] possibly
explains a curious confusion with the identities of maize deities associated with
Mutal and Kanu’l lords. This highly important shared mythic narrative is still
poorly understood. It seems clear, however, that certain Classic Maya dynasties
have their own forms of maize deities, possibly directional, traced to specific
supernatural locations with names like “place of six X.”
Mutal lords are usually associated with the Wak hix nal Maize God,
whereas Kanu’l lords of Calakmul are likened to the Wak chan nal deity. For
example, Mutal lord Bahlaj Chan K'awiil of Dos Pilas is depicted on Dos Pilas
Stela 17 dancing in the backrack costume of the Wak hix nal maize deity (Schele
and Miller 1986:Pl.2d). Texts and images on carved bones in Jasaw Chan
K'awiil’s tomb (TIK MT 38a-d) evoke the descent of the Wak hix nal Maize God
into the waters of the underworld. The inscription on Tamarindito HS 1:2 refers to
a Mutal lord as “Wak hix nal person” (wak hix nal winik). Calakmul’s vassal in La
Corona is shown dancing as a Wak chan nal Maize God on La Corona Panel 1.
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Nevertheless, Tikal king Yik'in Chan K'awiil is depicted as a Wak chan nal
maize god on Lintel 2 at Temple 4. A preoccupation of Tikal rulers with this maize
deity is evidenced in the scene on an Early Classic lidded vessel (TIK MT 9) that
belonged to Chak Tok Ich'aak according to the dedicatory statement on the lid
(Culbert 1993:Fig.108d). The scene on the body of the vase shows a maize deity
labeled as a “Wak chan nal person” (wak chan nal winik).
The shared relation to [chi-[T316]] explains this discrepancy. Some Wak
chan nal maize gods in “Holmul dancer” scenes are not linked to Kanu'l but are
associated with what appears to be a truncated version of Winik mih wits nal or
“Zero Moon Bird” place (Figure 6a). According to Tikal Stela 31 (Figure 6b),
Winik mih wits nal and [chi-[T316]] are names of the same location, possibly with
Winik mih wits nal as a place within [chi-[T316]]. Therefore, Wak chan nal maize
god is also a [chi-[T316]] lord. Tikal and Calakmul rulers share this maize god
because they share a connection to [chi-[T316]].
Thirteen Divisions
The theme of shared identities brings us to the discussion of titles and
underlying concepts, which represented Tikal lords’ membership in larger
geopolitical entities. The key term here is huxlajuun tsuk or “Thirteen Divisions.”
In Early Colonial Ch'olti' (Morán 1695), Chontal (Smailus 1975:132), and Yukatek
(Barrera Vásquez, et al. 1995:865-867) texts and vocabularies, the word tsuk
means “part” or “division” of something. It is also used as a numerical classifier
for counting parts or divisions. The underlying implication is that there is always
something whole that is divided into tsuk. If someone says “one tsuk,” it can
mean “first part” (of something) or “another one” (of the same kind, from the
same set). Huxlajuun tsuk is something divided into thirteen parts.
The initial interpretation of tsuk was “provinces” and it was believed that
huxlajuun tsuk referred to the internal organization of Classic Maya polities
(Schele and Mathews 1998:23). Colonial sources like Paxbolonacha Papers
(Smailus 1975:49) and Books of Chilam Balam (CHU 78:1-2; CHU 80:4-5) used
the term tsuk to designate parts of polities. However, Beliaev (2000) managed to
8
demonstrate that “Thirteen Divisions” and a similar term of “Seven Divisions”
were used to designate people from different polities, yet within broader
geopolitical domains. The distribution of the two titles corresponds to two distinct
geographical areas (Beliaev 2000:65-67). Eastern Petén and the lakes region are
associated exclusively with people from Seven Divisions. (huk tsuk) The area
around Tikal and further north-east including the sites of Rio Azul and Xultun is
populated by people from Thirteen Divisions (Figure 7).
The three earliest references to Thirteen Divisions people come from the
inscriptions at Dos Pilas commissioned by its first ruler, Bahlaj Chan K'awiil. A
passage on Hieroglyphic Stairway 4:3 that deals with this Dos Pilas king’s defeat
at the hands of Tikal lord Nuun Ujol Chaak in A.D. 672 refers to Bahlaj Chan
K'awiil’s archenemy as Mutal [[T1006a]-li] Huxlajuun tsuk (“Mutal [?], [person
from one of] Thirteen Divisions”). A retribution delivered to Nuun Ujol Chaak in
A.D. 679 is described on DPL HS 2W:3 as the downfall of Nuun Ujol Chaak’s
weapons followed by piling skulls and pooling blood. Skulls and blood belong to
Huxlajuun tsuk Mutal [x]. Although the hieroglyphic block after Mutal is badly
eroded, I suspect it once contained the same enigmatic [[T1006a]-li] title. Dos
Pilas Stela 9 depicts Bahlaj Chan K'awiil dancing in AD 682 on top of a captive
who might have been one of the lords defeated in AD 679. A caption identifies
Bahlaj Chan K'awiil’s captive as a certain Nuun Bahlam, lord of Wak [T510] nal,
and a person from Thirteen Divisions.
Beliaev (2000:66,77) noticed that, while Bahlaj Chan K'awiil is nearly
always mentioned as “holy Mutal lord” in Dos Pilas inscriptions, Nuun Ujol Chaak
and other Tikal characters are referred to as “Mutal lords,” Mutal [[T1006a]-li],
and Huxlajuun tsuk. Since Nuun Ujol Chaak and Bahlaj Chan K'awiil were
brothers, the difference in titles likely reflected Bahlaj Chan K'awiil’s claim to be a
legitimate king of Tikal instead of Nuun Ujol Chaak. The use of the title of
Huxlajuun tsuk was then part of the rhetoric aimed at presenting Nuun Ujol
Chaak as a political “other” and a person of lesser and potentially more generic
status. In this context, it is probably significant that the captive depicted on Stela
9 is not even associated with the Mutal dynasty or with Mutal as a place. The text
9
identifies him as a member of a different royal line, but also as a Huxlajuun tsuk
suggesting that the latter is a broader category comprising members of various
royal families.
As first published by Beliaev (2000), Mutal and Wak [T510] nal lords were
not the only royal families associated with Thirteen Divisions. The inscriptions on
La Hondarez Stela 4 and Xultun Stela 5 suggest that the dynasties based at
those two sites were also part of Huxlajuun tsuk. A number of unprovenanced
vases mentioning Xultun lords (identified by the “[T297] wits lord” emblem glyph
or by the k'ab te' yook'in title) include Huxlajuun tsuk in their name phrases
(Table 5). The inscriptions on vessels commissioned by lords of Hux haab te'
associated with the site of Rio Azul indicate that Hux haab te' lords were
Huxlajuun tsuk. The distribution of Huxlajuun tsuk individuals suggests that their
zone extends north-west of Tikal into the Rio Azul / Rio Hondo drainage.
Perhaps the most important context of Huxlajuun tsuk is the inscription on
Naranjo Stela 30 (CMHI 2:79-80). It details a series of rituals undertaken in A.D.
714 by the Naranjo ruler, holy Sa'aal lord K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaak, marking the
third year of a katun, an important station in the twenty year cycle.
The front of the monument depicts K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaak with a fire drill.
He is dressed as a fire god (“Jaguar God of the Underworld”) and he is standing
on top of a captive. The inscription next to the figure of the king states that he is
in the act of a “night headband-binding” (ti ak'ab k'alhu'n) in the guise of the
abovementioned deity. The only military event mentioned in the main text on the
back of the monument is the conquest of Sak ha' a few months earlier, so the
captive trod upon by the king was likely taken during that campaign.
The focus of the main text is on the period ending rituals. First, it reports
that the king offered copal before two deities. Unfortunately, their names are no
longer readable. The next event is a dance in [T700] nal (“[T700] place”), a term
that is associated with dancing at various sites and either denotes a type of
location designated for dancing or stands for a particular dance. According to the
inscription, the king is accompanied by lords of Huk tsuk, Huxlajuun tsuk, and Jo'
[[T544.501]-ni]. If the interpretation of the titles Huk tsuk and Huxlajuun tsuk is
10
correct, the text claims that lords from nearly the entire central and eastern Petén
participated in the event.
We need to look at the historical context of this massive performance in
order to understand why all these lords would attend a dance at Naranjo. As
scholars have previously noticed, in A.D. 714, Naranjo rulers were at the peak of
their political influence. From the early 690’s on, Naranjo kings initiated a series
of successful military campaigns, first as vassals of powerful Calakmul rulers, but
then likely acting independently after Calakmul’s defeat by Tikal in a battle in
A.D. 695 (Houston 1983; Beliaev 2000:70-74; Martin and Grube 2000:76-77).
It seems that Naranjo rulers acted quickly to fill the void and become the
main power in the Eastern Peten and the Lakes region. The conquest of Yaxa'
(Yaxha Lake) and Tuubal put them in control of the eastern part of the Lakes
region extending their dominion within one day’s trip to Tikal and in the vicinity of
the Ik'a' rulers. The conquests of Yoots and K'an wits nal (Ucanal) presumably
extended the dominion further north and south. According to Naranjo Stela 2,
K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaak oversaw the accession of new Yoots and K'an wits nal
rulers in AD 712. Although we do not know the actual location of Sak ha', the fact
that it is mentioned at Dos Pilas and Seibal suggests that the conquest of Sak ha'
was another important step in expanding Naranjo’s hegemony further west and
south. All Huk tsuk and probably some Huxlajuun tsuk lords found themselves
under the sway of Sa'aal kings.
The inscription on an unprovenanced vase (MVD:K8622),
indistinguishable from the exquisite pottery painted for K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaak
(MVD:K927, K1398), identifies its owner as a “[person from one of] Thirteen
Divisions”. The vase might be a royal gift to one of his new vassals. Bestowing
subordinates with quality ceramics was popular among Naranjo kings
(Tokovinine 2006:361-362).
Therefore, in terms of the historical circumstances, possible motivations of
political actors, and the rhetoric chosen for the inscription on Stela 30, the
presence of Huk tsuk, Huxlajuun tsuk, and Jo' [[T544.501]-ni] lords at a dance at
Naranjo reflected its new geopolitical role as a regional power. As we know, that
11
role was not to last. Naranjo was conquered by Tikal in A.D. 744-748 (Martin
1996; Martin and Grube 2000:78-79). However, by the end of the reign of K'ahk'
Tiliw Chan Chaak’s son K'ahk' Ukalaw Chan Chaak, Tikal lords were no longer
that powerful and Naranjo returned to some geopolitical prominence (Martin and
Grube 2000:80-81). This resurgence is marked with another major period-ending
ceremony dedicated to the middle of a katun in A.D. 780. The inscription on
Naranjo Stela 13 reports that there was dancing with foreign lords once again,
although the list now consists of only Huk tsuk and Jo' [[T544.501]-ni]. The
absence of Huxlajuun tsuk reflects Naranjo’s much reduced sphere of influence.
A further insight into the meaning of Huxlajuun tsuk is provided by the
inscription on Altar 3 at the site of Altar de los Reyes in Campeche, Mexico
(Šprajc and Grube 2003). The top of the altar features a caption that states
k'uh[ul] kab Huxlajuun [tsuk] “divine land(s) Thirteen Divisions.” Although the last
hieroglyphic block is eroded, its reading could be tsu-ku. The sides of the altar
are emblazoned with an inscription that likely begins with a statement “it is their
[x] thrones” and then continues with naming thirteen emblem glyphs.
Unfortunately, part of the text is missing. The list of preserved emblem glyphs
includes “holy Mutal lord,” “holy Chatahn person,” “holy Baaka'l lord, holy Kanu'l
lord,” “holy Ik'a' lord,” “holy [T1008.552],” and “holy [T579] lord”.
Once the altar was discovered, it became apparent that it represented a
certain concept of geopolitical organization (Šprajc and Grube 2003). However,
the precise nature of the concept remained somewhat unclear. If I am correct in
associating references to Huxlajuun tsuk in other texts with Huxlajuun [tsuk] on
the altar, then the concept relates directly to Thirteen Divisions as a set of
thirteen dynasties, but also as “holy lands” or “divine lands”. The inscription on
Altar 3 then expands the list of known Huxlajuun tsuk dynasties and the
geographical area of Huxlajuun tsuk (Figure 8). Baaka'l lords reside at Palenque,
Tortuguero, and Comalcalco. Ik'a' lords are associated with Motul de San Jose
and possibly other sites. The court of Kanu'l kings was at Calakmul and
Dzibanche. The [T1008.552] title is attested only in the names of Edzna rulers
(EDZ St 18, St 21, St 22, HS 1). Holy chatahn people lived in Calakmul and
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Nakbe. Lords of [T579] made pilgrimages to the cave of Naj Tunich (NTN Dr 65)
and attended events at Nim Li Punit (NMP St 2), but the location of their court
remains unknown. The protagonist of the inscription on a jade plaque found in
Tomb B-4/6 at Altun Ha seems to carry the title of “holy [[T579]-ni] lord,” so this
dynasty could be located in Belize, at Altun Ha or further south, closer to Naj
Tunich and Nim Li Punit.
None of these dynasties are explicitly associated with Huxlajuun tsuk in
other texts. However, the case of Tikal lords mentioned in Dos Pilas inscriptions
suggests that Huxlajuun tsuk is not a common title and its use constitutes a kind
of rhetorical device. In addition, Ik'a' lords carry the title Huxlajuun k'uh or
“thirteen gods” (Table 6). This title may carry the same or similar significance as
Huxlajuun tsuk. It also appears in the inscription on earflares from Tomb A-1/1 at
Altun Ha. The owner of the object, a certain Lady Maktal, is said to be the mother
of a lord who carries the titles of baah tuun and Huxlajuun k'uh. Given that
another object from Altun Ha features an emblem glyph attested in the list of ALR
Alt 3, the appearance of Huxlajuun k'uh may be more than just a coincidence.
The caveat here is that both portable objects at Altun Ha could be gifts from
elsewhere. Earflares might have belonged to a bride from Motul de San Jose.
Houston, Stuart, and Taube (2006:89-97) propose to interpret the
inscription on ALR Alt 3 in the context of the widespread association between
representations of rulers and Ajaw day names of katuns. For instance, the
portraits of Kanu'l lord and his wife on the Schaffhausen vessel (Prager 2004)
double as Ajaw day katun names; this association is confirmed by the captions to
the portraits (Houston, et al. 2006:89-91,Fig.2.30). A list of thirteen holy lords on
the side of a circular altar then looks like a “katun wheel,” a key space-time
concept for Postclassic Maya known from Early Colonial sources and evidenced
in pre-contact objects like Mayapan turtle sculptures encircled with thirteen Ajaw
signs (Taube 1988a:Fig.2a). Taube recognized these representations of the
cycle of thirteen named katuns and argued that images of the turtle and early
colonial depictions of the katun wheel symbolize the circular earth surface
divided into thirteen parts in accordance with the notion that each katun has its
13
place of rulership and a divine patron. In doing so he acknowledges that his
thinking follows along the lines of an earlier work by Roys (1954). Roys identified
Avedaño de Loyola’s seventeenth century account of Itza shortly before the
conquest (Means 1917:141-144) and the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel
(Roys 1973) as key sources of information about the concept. In Loyola’s words,
“…These ages are thirteen in number; each has its separate idol and
its priest with a separate prophecy of its events. These thirteen ages are
divided into thirteen parts which divide this kingdom of Yucathan and
each age with its idol, priest and prophecy rules in one of these thirteen
parts of the land according as they have divided it (Means 1917:141).”
The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel presents a similar picture of thirteen
katuns, each associated with a place of rulership and certain auguries (Roys
1973:Fig.28). One passage deals specifically with creation of this spatial and
temporal order:
“…4 Ahau was the name of the katun when occurred the birth of
Pauahs, when the rulers descended. Thirteen katuns they reigned;
thus they were named while they ruled. 4 Ahau was the name of the
katun when they descended; the great [right – A.T.] descent and the
little [left – A.T.] descent they were called. Thirteen katuns they
reigned. So they were called. While they were settled, thirteen were
their settlements (Roys 1973:139).”
It is tempting to trace this notion of thirteen katuns associated with thirteen
seats of power back to the Classic period. Lacadena (2007) recently argued that
the genres of katun chronicles and katun prophecies can be identified in some
Late Classic inscriptions. It would be wrong to interpret this concept of Thirteen
Divisions literally as a historical account or a religious rule of shifting power every
twenty years. There are no historical data to support that. Rather we have an
14
ideational landscape divided in space and time between thirteen royal dynasties
and possibly between thirteen deities with an implication that one polity may
claim a supreme status which would not likely last. In other words, it is more of a
conception or a metaphor than an actual reflection of the geopolitical order. It is
significant that the two “number thirteen” titles in Classic inscriptions are
“Thirteen Divisions” and “thirteen gods,” possibly making allusions to lands and
gods of katuns. It is also highly important that Thirteen Divisions is but one of
several contemporaneous geopolitical entities mentioned in Classic Maya
inscriptions (Figure 7).
Concluding remarks
In this paper, we have looked at four different identifications of Tikal
rulers: their “emblem glyph,” links to the legendary [chi-[T316]] place,
associations with two maize deities, and membership in the category of Thirteen
Divisions [people]. We have seen that each of these four identifications links
Tikal lords to a larger narrative or conception that would be cited by other Classic
Maya royal families.
The established way of representing Classic Maya political landscape has
been to focus on wars, alliances, marriages and other forms of political
interactions (e.g. Martin and Grube 2000:21). This paper demonstrates that we
can also map shared stories, places of origin, gods, and memberships in
geopolitical groups. What we get is groups of royal families that have something
in common, both in identifications and in the underlying narratives.
Interestingly enough, these groups do not necessarily overlap with the
political landscape-proper. For instance, the arch-enemies of Tikal and Calakmul
apparently share key identities and narratives. It is this similarity that probably
explains the rivalry between these two dynasties evoking the same set of places
and stories in the rhetoric of political supremacy. On the other hand, titles like
Thirteen Divisions point to a set of overarching identities, which did not depend
on specific political circumstances. The significance of such identities merits
further investigation.
15
Tables
Table 1: Contexts of the Tikal emblem glyph toponym
Contexts
CI*
EG toponym
146 Mutal
direct** ix/aj[x] [x]
[x]ajaw [x]winik [x]other
18
88
3
1
0
0
*CI – corpus size index: number of mentions of place names at a site
**Direct references (the place name is the subject or part of the predicate of a
sentence)
16
Table 2: Direct references to Mutal in Tikal inscriptions2
Place Name
Context
Object Site
Mutal and Yax Mutal
[?] haab nal yax
patlaj lajuun akan chapaht haab nal yax Ln 3
mutal
mutal cha'n ch'e'n
bolon ts'akbuul [?]
tsutsyi bolon pik [...] uhtiiy bolon ts'akbuul St 31
nal cha'n ch'e'n
[?] nal cha'n ch'e'n mutal
TIK T 4
TIK
mutal
k'in [?] nal yax mutal k'in palaw nal yax mutal ch'e'n (place
St 1
TIK
St 1
TIK
register)
k'in [?] nal yax mutal uhti k'in palaw nal yax mutal chan ch'e'n
mutal
huli mutal ch'e'n jo' noh wits waxak lajuun BCM
TIK
ubaah kan [...]
mutal
huli sihyaj k'ahk' kaloomte' aj-[?] mutal
BCM
TIK
chan ch'e'n
mutal
[...] patwaan tahn ch'e'n mutal
Ln 3
TIK T 1
yax mutal
yax mutal cha'n ch'e'n (place register)
St 39
TIK
yax mutal
yax mutal ch'e'n (place register)
Alt 8
TIK
yax mutal
utsutsuw bolonlajuun winik haab uhti yax St 39
TIK
mutal chan ch'e'n ta uch'e'n [x]
mutal
chumlaj ta [?] [?] [?] k'an chitam ehb xook St 40
TIK
[?] nahb nal k'ihnich [?] ochk'in k'awiil
uhtiiy mutal ch'e'n
17
Table 3: Outside references to Tikal and its lords
Full Context
Object
Site
mutal ajaw
Alt 21
CRC
chami [?] naah k'awiil mutal ajaw [...]
HS 2e:6
DPL
[?] mutal ajawtaak
HS 2e:4
DPL
[STAR.WAR-yi] chaak naah ukabjiiy mutal [?]
HS 2w:5
DPL
k'uhul mutal ajaw baah kab
HS 2w: 3
DPL
umiinil k'ihnich muwaan jol k'uhul mutal ajaw baah kab
Pn 6
DPL
mutal [?] hux lajuun tsuk
HS 4:3
DPL
[?] k'ihnich lakam tuun ukabjiiy [?] [?] mutal ajaw
St 12
NAR
Ln 37
YAX
ukabjiiy yax ehb xook k'ihnich ajaw k'uhul mutal ajaw
Alt 21
CRC
nupuul bahlam uway k'uhul mutal ajaw
vase
ALS
[...] ubaah ujuun tahn [?] k'uhul ixik ix [?] ix mutal ajaw
TPMO 67
TPX
uchok ch'aaj mutal ajaw [...]
St 2
JMB
wak hix nal k'uhul mutal ajaw
Plate
HLM
St 23
NAR
St 6
CRC
St 4
IXT
Mutal lords
ch'ahkaj uch'e'n [x] maak ukabjiiy yax ehb xook [x] k'uhul
jubyi utook' upakal nuun ujol chaak nahbaj uch'iich'el witsaj
ujolil hux lajuun tsuk mutal [?] ukabjiiy bajlaj chan k'awiil
[STAR.WAR] bajlaj chan k'awiil ukabjiiy nuun ujol chaak
yeht aj-bahlam [?] ohlis k'uh uyajawte' chak tok ich'aak
mutal ajaw
chumlaj ta ajawlel yajawte' k'ihnich k'uhul k'antu' maak
[...] waxak lajuun k'in ajawaniiy i lok'yi yitaaj yatan ix mutal
ajaw [...]
chumlaj ta ajawlel yajawte' k'ihnich k'uhul k'antu' maak
ukabjiiy yax ehb xook k'ihnich ajaw k'uhul mutal ajaw
uts'apaw tuun uchokow ch'aaj aj-yaxjal baak [?] ucha'n bob
k'uhul jo' kab ajaw yilaaj k'uhul mutal ajaw yilaaj waxak
winik ajawtaak [...]
18
Full Context
Object
Site
Alt 1
IXL
St A
CPN
St 10
SBL
Alt 3
ALR
jubyi aj-mutal [...]
St 22
NAR
[...] jubyiiy aj-mutal ukabjiiy ucha'n k'in bahlam
St 1
DPL
t'abyi [?] [?] [?] bolon patan [?] mutal [...]
St 12
NAR
ts'ahpaj ulakam tuunil sihyaj chan k'awiil uhti yax mutal
St 5
ZAP
[...] huliiy mutal k'awiil
Mural 7
SUF
HS 2e:4
DPL
uk'alaw tuun uchokow ch'aaj aj-winik baak tok k'ak'il ipaw
[?] [?] k'uhul mutal ajaw [...]
haoob chan te' chan chan [?] chan chan ni' chan chan may
chan k'uhul [[T756]-pi] ajaw k'uhul mutal ajaw k'uhul kanu'l
ajaw k'uhul baaka'al ajaw [...]
[...] ila' [?] k'awiil k'uhul mutal ajaw chan pet k'uhul kanu'l
ajaw chan ek' k'uhul ik'a' ajaw [...]
u[[T533]-[T609]-li] chatahn winik [x] k'uhul [x] k'uhul kanu'l
ajaw k'uhul mutal ajaw k'uhul baaka'l ajaw k'uhul [T578]
ajaw k'uhul [x] k'uhul [[x]-ji] k'uhul [T552.1008] nal k'uhul
ik'a' ajaw
People from Mutal
Mutal in direct contexts
[STAR.WAR-yi] mutal ukabjiiy yuknoom ch'e'n k'uhul kanu'l
ajaw
19
Table 4: References to [chi-[T316]] place in Classic Maya inscriptions
Full Context
Object
Events at [chi-[T316]]
k'al tuun [chi-[T316]] k'ihnich [x] [?]
Celt (Grube
and Martin
2001:40)
uk'altuun [x] [?] [?] [...] ti lajuun ajaw [x] uhtiiy [x] [chi-[T316]]
PUS St K
[8.6.0.0.0 AD 159]
u[x] [chi-[T316]] [T150] [x] jo' kab ajaw jo' ajaw [8.2.0.0.0 AD
PUS St P
81]
[x] [?] bahlam kaloomte' uhtiiy winik mih wits nal [chi-[T316]]
TIK St 31
[before 8.14.0.0.0 AD 317]
tsutsjiiy uwaxak winik haab [chi-[T316]] ukabjiiy k'ihnich [?]
CPN St I
[8.6.0.0.0 AD 159]
People from [chi-[T316]]
ch'ahkaj lakam ha' ukabjiiy [?] kula' [chi-[T316]] yajawte' [?]
PAL HS
chan kanu'l ajaw
[...] jats'oom jol huk ts'akbuul [chi-[T316]] yajawte' yopaat
YAX Ln 21
bahlam k'uhul kaaj ajaw k'uhul pa' chan ajaw
ubolon winik ts'akbuul [chi-[T316]] k'awiil
TIK St 22
yuxul k'uk' [chi-[T316]] ajawte' [?] pet ajaw aj-k'in che'
ARP St 1
ch'amax ik' hu'n [chi-[T316]]a'
CPN St 4
lajuun ajaw chapaht k'ihnich uk'aba yuk'ib ti kakaw [?] k'awiil [?] Schaffhausen
wak chan [?] aj-[chi-[T316]] aj-wite' naah baah kab
Vessel
20
Table 5: “Thirteen Divisions [people]” in Classic Maya inscriptions
Full Context
Object
[...] cheheen uyul ti ts'ihb yak'in its'aat huxlajuun tsuk
MVD:K7459
[...] k'ab te' yook'in huxlajuun tsuk
XUL St 5
[x] huxlajuun tsuk
HRZ St 4
ak'taj ti [T700] nal yitaaj huk tsuk huxlajuun tsuk jo' [[T544.501]-
NAR St 30
ni] ajawtaak
alay t'abyi [...] yuk'ib [...] aj-laats k'ihnich hux haab te' ajaw baah
MVD:K2295
kab huxlajuun tsuk
alay t'abyi uts'ihbaal yuk'ib ul chapaht k'ihnich ajaw ti took' pakal
MVD:K5022
k'ihnich lamaw ek' hux haab te' huxlajuun tsuk
alay t'abyi uts'ihbnaj yuk'ib ta yutal kakaw ah chan k'ihnich k'ay
MVD:K1837
ahk huxlajuun tsuk winik buluk [?]
alay t'abyi uts'ihbnajal yuk'ib k'ihnich lamaw ek' hux haab te'
MVD:K7720
baah kab huxlajuun tsuk
alay t'abyi uts'ihbnajal yuk'ib ti ixim kakaw [?] [?] [T297] wits
MVD:K8015
ajaw baah kab huxlajuun tsuk k'ab te' yook'in
alay t'abyi yuk'ib ti yutal kakaw its'aat pitsil uchaakil ik' miin [?]
MVD:K8622
sihyaj [?] [x] huxlajuun tsuk
[STAR.WAR] bajlaj chan k'awiil ukabjiiy nuun ujol chaak mutal
DPL HS 4:3
[?] huxlajuun tsuk
jubyi utook' upakal nuun ujol chaak nahbaj uch'ich'el witsaj ujolil
DPL HS
huxlajuun tsuk mutal [?] ukabjiiy bajlaj chan k'awiil k'uhul mutal
2W:3
ajaw baah kab
ubaah wak [T510] ajaw huxlajuun tsuk bahlam yeht bajlaj chan
DPL St 9
k'awiil
21
Table 6: “Thirteen Gods [people]” in Classic Maya inscriptions
Full Context
Object
chak bahlam uway ik'a' ajaw chan haab te' baah kab
huxlajuun k'uh
Vase, ALS
ubaah [...] ti [?] hix yajawte' k'ihnich ucha'n ik' bul kaloomte'
k'uhul ik'a' ajaw chan te' chan huxlajuun k'uh baah kab
MVD:K1896
ubaah ti ak'ot ubaahil aan huk chapaht ts'ikiin k'ihnich ajaw
yajawte' k'ihnich ucha'n ik' bul k'uhul ik'a' ajaw chan te' chan
huxlajuun k'uh baah kab
MVD:K533
ubaah ti ak'ot yajawte' k'ihnich k'uhul ik'a' ajaw baah kab
kaloomte' huxlajuun k'uh chak el
MVD:K1452
Ear flare, Tomb
utu'p ix mak tal [?] nal [?] baah tuun huxlajuun k'uh
A -1/1, ALH
[x] k'uhul ik'a' ajaw huxlajuun k'uh
FLS St
22
List of Figures
Figure 1
Tikal and other Classic Maya sites of the Southern Lowlands
Figure 2
Map of Tikal (after Martin and Grube 2000:24)
Figure 3
Non-animate (a) and animate (b) ?MUT allographs
Figure 4
Full-figure ?MUT creature in scaffold scenes on (a) the carved bone
in the Dallas Museum of Art (drawing by Linda Schele [Schele
2000:#7320], courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of
Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., www.famsi.org) and (b) Naranjo Stela
32 (Graham 1978:86)
Figure 5
Location of Classic Maya royal families associated with the [chi[T316]] place
Figure 6
Wak chan nal Maize god associated with a “Zero-Moon” place
instead of Kanu’l (vase from the burial in Structure BV-1,
Buenavista del Cayo; MVD:K4464)
Figure 7
Thirteen Divisions and other Classic Maya geopolitical groups
Figure 8
Sites associated with the royal families from the list on Altar de los
Reyes Altar 3
23
Notes
1
Most of the data discussed here were collected as part of my dissertation
research that explored the themes of place and political identity in Classic Maya
inscriptions in the Southern Lowlands (Tokovinine 2007; Tokovinine 2008)
2
The abbreviations for archaeological sites and types of inscribed objects in
this paper follow the guidelines of the Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions
(Graham, et al. 1975).
24
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