Behaviour & Information Technology ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tbit20 Socioeconomic status influences Turkish digital natives’ internet use habitus Mustafa Kerem Kobul To cite this article: Mustafa Kerem Kobul (2023) Socioeconomic status influences Turkish digital natives’ internet use habitus, Behaviour & Information Technology, 42:5, 624-642, DOI: 10.1080/0144929X.2022.2034970 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0144929X.2022.2034970 Published online: 10 Feb 2022. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 692 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 3 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=tbit20 BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY 2023, VOL. 42, NO. 5, 624–642 https://doi.org/10.1080/0144929X.2022.2034970 Socioeconomic status influences Turkish digital natives’ internet use habitus Mustafa Kerem Kobul Faculty of Economics, Administrative and Social Sciences, Department of Translation & Interpreting, Samsun University, Samsun, Turkey ABSTRACT ‘: Digital native’ has been a buzzword within the last decade particularly in educational research. Learners born after the 1980s are presumed somehow different just because they were born in a digital world. Although scholars have labelled these young generations as digital natives or millennials as a homogenous construct, the questions of how and for what purpose(s) these younger generations use these newer technologies remain unresolved. Acknowledging the abundance of literature documenting adults’ viewing their younger ones different throughout history, this study investigates the relationship between socioeconomic level variables, paternal and maternal education level, household income, and their internet use frequency and purposes. Data were gathered from 327 undergraduate students, born between 1997 and 2000, enrolled at a Turkey state university. Findings indicate that maternal and paternal education levels significantly influence the internet use duration of the younger generation, yet observe no significant effect on household income. The results also reveal significant differences in participants’ internet use for academic and a variety of non-academic purposes concerning socioeconomic status variables. Overall, simply being born into a technological world does not make the younger generation a monolithic group of tech-savvy individuals as their adults assume them to be. 1. Introduction The controversy that has permeated society over adults’ seeing the young generation as different and stereotypic has been an age-old concern and still raged unabated for centuries. Looking across the now vast literature, wellarticulated arguments of adults criticizing (Considine, Horton, and Moorman 2009), blaming, even accusing (Turiel 2002) their contemporary ‘newer’ generation would be profoundly found. Extant literature dates this aspect back to Socrates’ time with his lament: ‘Our youth now love luxury. They have bad manners, contempt for authority (and) disrespect for older people. They contradict their parents and tyrannize their teachers’ (Mattoon 2005, 45). Accordingly, Berliner and Biddle (1995) coined this phenomenon as ‘the Socrates Legacy’. More recently, Turiel (2006) also highlights that ‘During the 1920s, much concern was expressed in the United States regarding the moral state of youth, cultural disintegration, and social chaos’ (799). By and large, history presents a bunch of dismays or stereotypical conceptions of the younger generations (Buckingham 2007). Ariés (1965), in his earth-shattering work, highlights that ‘childhood’ is no more than an adult perception of ARTICLE HISTORY Received 20 August 2020 Accepted 21 January 2022 KEYWORDS Digital native; internet use; socioeconomic status; mother education level; father education level; household income the modern world, or put differently, a modern adult mind’s artifact which matured in centuries. Postman (1985) in another canonical tract remarks that ‘For the past 350 years, we’ve been developing and refining this conception of childhood’ (295). Correspondingly, there is a myriad of literature available suggesting that younger generations were exposed to, if not suffer, their adults’ perceptions, intuitions, beliefs, assumptions, stereotypes, sometimes prejudices about them, particularly in educational settings (Byrne 2005; Carrell and Wise 1998; O’Keeffee, McCarthy, and Carter 2007; Postman 1985; Turiel, 2007). A considerable amount of research lends support to this phenomenon. To illustrate, Short 2008 criticises children’s literature as he remarks ‘There are books, however, that children reject as nostalgic or sentimental because they reflect adult perspectives of looking back on childhood or portray adult emotions of cynicism and despair’ (95). Thus, these and various other extant writings signal that these adult perceptions of children do not always reflect reality to a certain extent. Accordingly, the digital native notion might also be an adult perception rather than a reflection of reality. However, not all impressions of young generations have been negatively loaded. Particularly after the CONTACT Mustafa Kerem Kobul kerem.kobul@samsun.edu.tr, mkeremkobul@hotmail.com Samsun University, Faculty of Economic, Administrative and Social Sciences, Department of Translation and Interpreting, Samsun, Turkey This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article. © 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY unprecedented growth of new technologies and their ubiquitous use within the last few decades, positive attributions have also been directed toward the new generation (Twenge 2018). Correspondingly, some labels were attached by scholars, such as x, y, or z generations, millennials, the net generation whose members had some peculiarities that their contemporary adults presumably lacked (McCrindle and Wolfinger 2009). Although it is difficult to set a clear borderline between the so-called x, y, z generations, the generic term ‘digital natives’ was coined by Prensky (2001) in his seminal treatise. These digital natives are considered natives, not immigrants, to the new technological and digital world, they are born in. Moreover, they are believed to have some traits that make them more competent in technology use. Presumptively, these remarks about this new generation have perennially impregnated the society and the scholarly publishing. 2. Literature review 2.1. Digital natives A cornucopia of definitions and the characteristics of these so-called digital natives have been put forward by numerous scholars for years. In their essence, these new labels suggest that new millennials (Gee 2015; Howe and Strauss 2000), digital natives (Prensky 2001), the Net generation (Tapscott 1999), Zippies or Generation Z (McKay 2004) are assumed to differ from earlier generations of boomers and Xers (Zemke, Raines, and Filipczak 1999) in numerous aspects. Firstly, they are more technologically savvy consider modern technology as a standard or norm rather than an exception or privilege (Blass and Davis 2003). Secondly, they are more open to team work and collaboration, prefer discovery learning (Flowerdew 2009) and prefer technology integrated and anytime anywhere learning (Viswanathan 2009) rather than ‘traditional classroom structure, in which they sit motionless, take notes while the teacher lectures, and speak only when they are spoken to’ (Li 1998, 691). More specifically, they prefer typing to handwriting (Oblinger 2003), use technology ‘for socialization and for text-based communication with their friends and classmates’ (Wang and Heffernan 2009, 474), like experiential learning (Bennett, Maton, and Kervin 2008), and they are used to ‘receiving information quickly’ (MacLean and Elwood 2009, 158). Furthermore, they prefer reading on screen more than hardcopy print (Baron 2015), and have shorter attention spans (Zhang and Bonk 2009). Last but not least, they are considered a monolithic group of proficient users of all these readily 625 available new technologies already integrated into their lives. On the whole, these and some other peculiarities allegedly make them different from the earlier generations. Conversely, these assumptions have attracted criticism and scorn founded on the premise that they might be nothing more than mere adult perceptions of youth at a theoretical level. Furthermore, it is claimed that they are not that tech-savvy (Bennett, Maton, and Kervin 2008; Warschauer 2001). Chun (2011) rejects these assumptions by remarking ‘simply growing up surrounded by technology does not ensure that they will be effective communicators in online realms, just as growing up in a print world did not automatically make one a good reader and writer’ (665). Even more surprisingly, there is ample evidence suggesting that although these digital natives were born in a digital and high-technology world, they do not use these technologies for pedagogical, learning or academic purposes (McQuiggan et al. 2015; Tam 2017; Thornton and Houser 2005; Viswanathan 2009). Correspondingly, Farooq and Javid (2012) in a recent study conducted with Saudi Arabian university students enrolled in Information Technology and Engineering department report that ‘majority of the students have access to computer and internet but they are not motivated to use technology in their learning’ (17). Likewise, a similar conclusion emerged from Crook and Barrowcliff’s (2001) work, demonstrating that ‘ready computer access does not significantly remediate study practices itself. When students were engaged in private study, those with networked room PCs were no more likely to report using the technology for their study than those without this resource’ (253). The primary aim of their technology use seems mainly to participate in the social media (i.e. facebook, instagram, twitter, snapchat, Whatsapp), reading e-mail, surfing on the internet, gaming and check their mailbox, sometimes even excessively (De Abreu and Goes 2011; Klopfer 2008; Ravizza, Uitvlugt, and Fenn 2017; Shin 2017; Van Looy 2016; Viswanathan 2009; Young 2017). Even on-line studies that observe students’ live internet traffic reveal that they use these technologies mainly for social networking more than learning purposes (Ravizza, Uitvlugt, and Fenn 2017). Furthermore, some addiction studies highlight that some young adults use internet technology to help alleviate psychopathologies, such as compulsive behaviour, social phobia, depression, loneliness, negative thinking etc., while forming new pathologies of addiction (Beard 2011; De Abreu and Goes 2011). Thus, the end-product mostly is not for the benefit of younger generation. By and large, serious voices have been raised against assuming this younger generation as tech-savvy and adept in 626 M. K. KOBUL using all kinds of technology simply because they were born in a technological or digital world. More recently, the homogeneity of ‘the digital natives’ as a single, monolithic or uniform generation per se has been duly questioned (Hague and Williamson 2009; Pegrum 2011), particularly about the threshold age posited by Prensky (2001), who considered all born after 1980 as the digital natives. However, much criticism was levelled, particularly at the claims regarding this supposed homogeneity of the digital natives. On the one hand, Pegrum (2011) draws attention to possible variations among these digital natives as ‘a growing body of research shows that factors like gender, race, language, geographic location, socioeconomic status, and education level complicate easy assumptions about young people’s access to and use of technology’ (10). On the other hand, as the years passed on, exponential growth of new technologies advanced and newer generations are also inducted in these ever-evolving newer technologies every day. In line with this, Helsper and Eynon (2010) remark that ‘Arguably the rise of Web 2.0 applications might have created a second generation of digital natives, which can be separated from the first due to its familiarity and immersion in this new, Web 2.0, digital world.’ (508). Nevertheless, by the time their study was published Web 2.0 was very common and Web 3.0 or semantic Web, which provides contextual information as artificial intelligence, had newly arrived and is getting more common. Thus, it would not be unwise to think of an incoming third generation of digital natives. In this regard, defining a monolithic group of digital natives is likely to be an unceasing difficult enterprise for the scholarly world. 2.2. Socioeconomic status (SES) Socioeconomic Status (SES) has received constant scholarly attention as one of the most investigated confounding variables in social studies, along with age and gender (Chambers 2004). Although there is a myriad of published studies, a consensus on what SES per se is and how it can or should be measured seems far to be reached so far (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; McLoyd 1998; Sirin 2005). On the other hand, this incessant wrangling situation has made it one of the most fertile grounds for researchers. Some scholars argue that this controversy results from the variety of social structures and/or stratification in different societies (Bourdieu 1984; Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Coulmas 2013; Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov 2010; Mueller and Parcel 1981), while some others argue for cultural components (Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov 2010; Miller and Caubet 2009). On the whole, the exact definition or measurement of SES has never been attested to the satisfaction of the scientists. However, looking across the literature on SES, it has been consistently confirmed that researchers tend to overlook the SES aspect and not much seems to have changed since Mueller and Parcel’s (1981) lament that ‘there appears to be a heavy reliance on impressionistic criteria in identifying SES levels’ with expressions such as ‘Subjects were middle-class white children’ (14). A portrait depicts as if all the participants constituted a single homogenous group (Bottero 2004; Miller and Caubet 2009; Mugler and Benton 2009). Correspondingly, numerous studies still use the terms loosely as ‘upper, middle or lower socioeconomic level or social class’ (Garton and Pratt 2009; Taner and Başal 2005). Within most of the published work, the researchers tend to use the terms even without explicating what they refer to and how they are classified as so (Guisande et a., 2007; Taner and Başal 2005) or use measures whose reliability and validity regarding the comprehensiveness can be easily questioned (Gelbal 2010; Karatay and Kubilay 2004; Mueller and Parcel 1981). SES and social class are mostly used interchangeably in educational research (Bernstein 2003; Goldenberg 2011; Heath 1983; Keating and Egbert 2004; Pachler, Bachmair, and Cook 2010). In such a convoluted construct like socioeconomic level, which carries so many complex concerns in various respects, such overlooking or untied mentions of the variable might offer some challenges and limitations for the researchers. Existing attempts to suggest an exhaustive socioeconomic status measure with regard to the conceptual meaning and definition have yet to provide a simple, singular, or cogent instrument to the satisfaction of the scholarly world. Although a good many otherwise viable theories have been offered on the aspects to be considered, most of seminal studies take income, occupation and educational level as main variables to identify SES of the participants in research (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Coulmas 2013; Marks 2016; Sirin 2005). More broadly, some other variables, such as family type (Caro and Cortés 2012; Marks 2016), minority and immigrant status (Hull and Hernandez 2008), single parenthood (Marks 2016), crowding in the household and the number of siblings present (Evans, Maxwell, and Hart 1999), have also been discussed as variables contributing to the overall SES within the extant literature. On the whole, as Coulmas (2003) asserts it, ‘Income, profession, and educational level are most commonly used’ (567) components of the SES paradigm. However, they all have encountered BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY virulent criticism on various grounds from the instablity of the income (Mueller and Parcel 1981) going through the issue of whose of the spouse’s social status to be considered (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Mueller and Parcel 1981) even further to the reliability (Rossi et al. 1974) of the raters of the vignettes used in the measures per se and the issue of interrater reliability concerns (Cirino et al. 2002; Mueller and Parcel 1981). McLoyd (1998) argues that even the validity of the official poverty index per se receives serious criticism. Having considered all these aspects, parental educational level (both mother and father education level) and household income were taken as measures of socioeconomic status in this study. However, the occupation was not chosen as a measure because serious concerns and doubts are already voiced on its inconsistent (Macionis 2012), unstable and culturally variant nature (Coulmas 2013; Miller and Caubet 2009) along with rater reliability concerns (Mueller and Parcel 1981). More crucially, there is a regrettable lack of comprehensive and coherent occupational prestige index for Turkey social milieu that will quench the thirst of the scholarly world. However, there are various indexes for Western society such as Hollingshead’s (1975) Four-factor Index of Social Status, Duncan’s (1961)Socioeconomic Index of Occupations and the Siegel’s (1971) Prestige Scale, the Socioeconomic Index for Occupations in Canada (Blishen, Carroll, and Moore 1987), and the International Socio-Economic Index of Occupational Status (Ganzeboom, De Graaf, and Treiman 1992). In line with these arguments, Coulmas (2013) culturally questions the practicality of the term as ’analyzing social systems outside the world of Western industrialized countries cannot be taken for granted’ (567). Accordingly, there is a foregoing discussion that Turkey’s occupational structure is not similar to Western countries as unregistered working force is common in Turkey, i.e., there is a highly considerable amount of non-farmer workers, who are informally employed and not enrolled in any social security system (Demiral 2016; Kaya 2007; Sirin 2005; Sunar 2018). Moreover, it is further claimed that Turkey could be considered even as a ‘classless and unpriviledged’ society (Kalaycioglu, Celik, Celen & Turkyilmaz, 2010). More broadly, Sunar (2018) laments that there is a dearth of work on social stratification and mobility, which will help set foundations at theoretical and conceptual grounds in Turkey. The impact of Socio Economic Status (SES) on various grounds of human life has been duly noted within the extant literature. Current literature of SES provides a vast range of grounds, such as parenting practices (Baron 2015; Christie 2010; Evans, Schoon, and Weale 627 2012; Gadsden 2000; Grabe 2009; Garton and Pratt 2009; Okagaki and Sternberg 1993; Pressley 2006), literacy practices (Gee 2015; Heath 1983; Warriner 2011), health (Giles and Billings 2004; Walters 2012), psychological and social living conditions (Bottero 2004; Eisenberg 2013), culture (Bourdieu 1984; Garton and Pratt 2009; Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov 2010), consumer behaviour (Slama and Tashchian 1985; Vigneron and Johnson 1999; Woodward and Tunstall-Pedoe 1999), academic achievement (Christie 2010; Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Caro and Cortés 2012; Hull and Hernandez 2008; Keating and Egbert 2004; Marks 2016; Oakes 2005), language acquisition (Ellis and Robinson 2008), language behaviour (Collins, Peters, and Watt 2011; Clancy 2010; Giles and Billings 2004; Regan 2013), language teaching (Barkhuizen 2004; Ricento 2010), teaching reading in L1 and L2 (Goldenberg 2011; Grabe 2009; Wigfield and Asher 1984), stressors (Jargowsky 1994). Considering all these published studies, there is almost a commonsense assumption that there is an interaction between SES and degree of access to the available social, educational, and material resources of the society(Bourdieu 1984). Put more aptly; the higher socioeconomic status one has, the better their opportunities in reaching the resources, opportunities, assets, or commodities of the society they live in (Bottero 2004). 2.3. Research questions Taking all the notions and variables mentioned above into consideration, the research questions posed at the outset of this study are the following: 1. What technological devices do the participants use in accessing the internet? 2. Does the Internet use frequency of participants differ with respect to constituent components of socioeconomic status (a) maternal education level (b) paternal education level (c) household income? 3. Does Internet use purposes of participants differ with respect to constituent components of socioeconomic status (a) maternal education level (b) paternal education level (c) household income? 3. Methodology 3.1. Nature of the study In this study, a cross-sectional quantitative descriptive research methodology was used to provide an accurate profile of EFL undergraduate prep year students’ mobile 628 M. K. KOBUL technology use behaviour along with diverse associational data. In broad terms, descriptive research is considered as an aid to provide an accurate and undistorted portray of reality and to fathom out the phenomenon that is being researched (Fraenkel and Wallen 2006; Porte 2010; Ruane 2005). De Vaus (2002) remarks ‘descriptive research plays a key role in highlighting the existence and extent of social problems, can stimulate social action and provide the basis of well-targeted social policy interventions’ (23). More specifically, Chapelle (2008) highlights that ‘In technology studies for language learning, like other areas of educational technology, the foremost research issue is to understand how learners work with technology for learning, and therefore descriptive research has been a priority’ (590). However, numerous scholars lament that there is a dearth of descriptive research in education discipline regarding the actual classroom situations and student behaviour and habits (Chapelle 2008; Stern 1991; Richards and Schmidt 2013). 3.2. Sampling & data collection Inititally a convenience sample of 336 undergraduate students enrolled in an English language preparatory programme at a university on the North-East coast of Turkey was recruited for this study. The participants were learners of English as a foreign language (henceforth, EFL). Eleven participants were excluded from the final dataset due to incomplete questionnaire items, which caused some missing data. Thus, the number of students who voluntarily participated in this study amounts to 327 (196 female, 131 male) students. The students were following the English as a foreign language preparatory programme to attend the mechanical engineering departments, geophysical engineering, international relations and English language and literature in the following academic year during the spring semester of 2018–2019 academic calendar. The participants were mainly born between 1997 and 2000. Furthermore, the survey method, as the most common descriptive methodology (Fraenkel and Wallen 2006; Jackson 2012; Mackey and Gass 2015) was used. Volunteer participants were invited to fill in a self-report, penand-paper survey questionnaire at the end of the class. Students were handed out a self-report, pen-and-paper survey questionnaire to fill in. The items (4-point and 5-point Likert-type) in the survey questionnaire were developed, compiled and adapted from various studies on mobile learning of different cultures (Farooq and Javid 2012; Thornton and Houser 2005). All procedures followed in the study comply with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2008. Informed consent was received from the participants, who were fully informed about the purpose and nature of the study and their right to withdraw at any time from the study without any penalty, harm or loss of benefits. They were also ensured of complete confidentiality and protection of anonymity. The participants were not asked for any identifying information. Participants were thanked for their contributions. 4. Findings The data were analysed using SPSS V. 23. Several descriptive (frequency, percentages, means, and standard deviations) and inferential statistics (chi-square test of goodness-of-fit, chi-square test, Kruskal–Wallis-H test) were computed to analyse the gathered data (Jackson 2012; Larson-Hall 2015). Descriptive statistics revealed that most mothers (41.5%) were elementary school and below, 20.5% were secondary school graduates, 27.2% finished high school, and 10.4% had undergraduate and above degree, as degrees get higher, the number of mothers decreases. On the other hand, 23.5% of the fathers were elementary school and below, 18.7% secondary school, 37.3% of the fathers were high school graduates and 18.9% had an undergraduate and above degrees (Figure 1). This signals that fathers had higher education levels than mothers in general. The first research question explored the technological devices participants use in accessing the internet. All participants had owned smart phones. Moreover, 15.6% self-reported having desktop computers, while 74.6% had laptops. Put differently, 84.4% do not have desktops, while 25.1% do not have laptop computers (Figure 2). Furthermore, a one-way goodness-of-fit chi-square test was implemented to test whether mobile device preference of undergraduate EFL learners differed statistically from a known distribution such as normal distribution (Gries 2013; Larson-Hall 2015). The test was conducted to see if the participants used these devices more than would be predicted by chance (Larson-Hall 2015) or due to sampling error (De Vaus 2002). It was assumed that all the devices would be equally preferred, which means a 25% chance of preferring each one (laptop, smartphone, tablet, and other). However, findings of the test indicate that the difference between observed and predicted counts of preferences was significantly higher than what might be expected by chance (χ2 = 326.00, p < .05). Participants used laptops and smartphones significantly more than expected by chance. This result is in line with Turkish Statistical Institute’s (2018) latest comparable data, which reveal BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY 629 Figure 1. Participants’ parental education level. that the availability ratio of laptop computers in households is lower than that of smartphones. In pursuit of answering the second research question that reads: ‘Does Internet use frequency of participants differ with respect to constituent components of socioeconomic status: (a) maternal education level (b) paternal education level (c) household income?’, chi-square tests were implemented. Chi-square tests are used to analyse categorical data (Cohen, Manion and Morrison 2007; Fraenkel and Wallen 2006; Lazaraton 2005). Figure 2. Participants’ technological device ownership. 4.1. Relationship between internet use frequency and socioeconomic status A chi-square test was conducted to check an association between participants’ internet use and their maternal education level. Table 1 shows the relation between these variables was significant (χ² = 30.25, df = 6, p < .05), yet the contingency coefficient level was not large (C = .29). Internet use duration of participants whose mothers were university graduates is significantly higher than what would be expected by chance, while 630 M. K. KOBUL Table 1. Chi-Square test results of the relationship between internet use frequency and maternal education level. Mother education level Internet use frequency n % 4–6 h n % 7 h or more n % n Total % χ² = 30.25 df = 6 p = .001 C = .29. 3 h or less Elementary school or less Secondary school High school University and post-graduate Total 59 43.4 57 41.9 20 14.7 136 100 15 22.4 28 41.8 24 33.8 67 100 30 33.7 36 40.4 23 25.8 89 100 4 11.8 12 35.3 18 52.9 34 100 108 33.1 133 40.8 85 26.1 326 100 internet use of participants whose mothers finished elementary school or did not go to school was less likely to use the internet for long hours. The relationship between participants’ internet use and their paternal education level was investigated by a chi-square test. Table 2 shows the relationship between participants’ internet use and their paternal education level was significant (χ² = 15.39, df = 6, p < .05), while contingency coefficient level was not significant (C = .21). The results revealed that participants, who had fathers with high school or university degree education level, used the internet for 7 or more hoursi.e. used the internet significantly more than expected. However, the internet use of the participants, whose fathers were elementary school or secondary school graduates, did not differ radically. The relationship between participants’ internet use frequency and their household income level was determined according to Turkish Statistical Institute’s (2018) classification, and a chi-square analysis was computed. The test results revealed no significant relationship between these two variables (χ² = 7.81, df = 8, p > .05). Put differently, participants’ internet use frequency did not reveal statistically significant difference concerning their household income level (Table 3). 4.2. Relationship between internet use purposes and socioeconomic status Turning now to the third research question, which aims to determine whether internet use purposes of participants differ with respect to constituent components of socioeconomic status (a) maternal education level (b) paternal education level (c) household income? The participants in the study were asked to indicate their internet use purposes i.e. education, entertainment, communication and online shopping, other purposes, and frequency on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (Never) to 5 (Always). Based upon the results of a normality test on the data, Kruskal–Wallis H tests were performed to explore whether the internet use purposes of the participants differed significantly with respect to their mother education level. A p-value < 0.05 was considered significant. The tests revealed statistically significant differences in participants’ internet use for education (H = 9.57, df = 3, p < .05), entertainment (H = 16.52, df = 3, p < .05), communication (H = 14.41, df = 3, p < .05), online shopping (H = 12.34, df = 3, p < .05) and other purposes (H = 18.73, df = 3, p < .05) with respect to maternal education level. To find the source of the differences post hoc analyses were conducted as follow-up statistics (Table 4). It was found that the frequency of internet use for education purposes in participants, whose mothers are university graduates, was statistically less than students whose mothers finished elementary school (U = 1773.00, Z = −2.75, p = .006) and secondary school (U = 702.00, Z = −3.09, p = .002). The statistical tests regarding the internet use for entertainment purposes revealed that participants, whose mothers are a university (U = 1614.50, Z = −2.80, p = .005) and high school (U = 4456.00, Z = −3.45, p = .001) graduates, scored Table 2. Chi-Square test results of the relationship between internet use frequency and paternal education level. Father education level Internet use frequency 3 h or less 4–6 h 7 h or more Total n % n % n % n % χ² = 15.39 df = 6 p = .017 C = .21. Elementary school or less Secondary school High school University and post-graduate Total 37 48.1 29 37.7 11 14.3 77 100 17 27.9 31 50.8 13 21.3 61 100 34 27.9 49 40.2 39 32.0 122 100 20 32.3 23 37.1 19 30.6 62 100 108 33.5 132 41.0 82 25.5 322 100 BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY Table 3. Chi-Square test results of the relationship between internet use frequency and household income level. Monthly income level Internet use frequency 3 h or less Very low n 17 % 37.8 4–6 h n 22 % 48.9 7 h or more n 6 % 13.3 n 45 Total % 100 χ² = 7.81 df = 8 p = .452. Low Middle High Very high Total 32 32.7 37 37.8 29 29.6 98 100 23 29.1 30 38.0 26 32.9 79 100 21 34.4 24 39.3 16 26.2 61 100 13 31.7 20 48.8 8 19.5 41 100 106 32.7 133 41.0 85 26.2 324 100 statistically higher than those of elementary school graduates. Moreover, the difference in the internet use for communication purposes arises from the scores of participants with elementary school graduate mothers were significantly less than those of secondary school (U = 3389.50, Z = −3.14, p = .002) as well as high school graduates (U = 4660.50, Z = −2.97, p = .003). As far as the internet use for online shopping is concerned, participants with undergraduate degree holder mothers used the internet statistically more than elementary school (U = 1517.00, Z = −2.94, p = .003) and secondary school graduates (U = 740.00, Z = −2.80, p = .009). In the case of internet use for other purposes, the use of participants with mothers of elementary school graduates was significantly less than those of mothers with secondary school (U = 947.00, Z = −3.84, p = .001) and high school degrees (U = 1254.50, Z = −3.11, p = .002). On a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (Never) to 5 (Always), the participants in the study were asked to indicate their internet use purposes i.e. education, entertainment, communication and online shopping, 631 other purposes, and frequency. The data were subjected to Kuruskal Wallis-H test, as the data were not normally distributed, to find out whether participants’ internet use was significantly different with respect to their father’s education level. A p-value < 0.05 was considered significant. The results of the analyses are presented in Table 5. Significant differences were reached in participants’ internet use for education (H = 8.27, df = 3, p < .05) and other purposes (H = 15.48, df = 3, p < .05) regarding father’s education level. o find where the differences were, the groups were further pairwise compared using Mann– Whitney analyses. The results revealed that participants whose fathers were secondary school graduates used the internet statistically more than participants whose fathers are high school (U = 2866.00, Z = −2.55, p = .011) and university graduates (U = 1403.50, Z = −2.57, p = .010). In addition, the observed difference in the internet use for other purposes lies in the fact that participants, whose fathers were elementary school graduates, scored significantly less than participants, whose fathers were secondary school (U = 727.50, Z = −2.78, p = .023) and high school graduates (U = 912.50, Z = −3.81, p = .001). Participants were instructed to rate their internet use frequency for education, entertainment, communication, online shopping, and other purposes on a 5point Likert scale from 1 (Never) to 5 (Always). Kruskal–Wallis H tests were conducted to explore the relationship between participants’ internet use for different purposes and their household income levels. The results are presented in Table 6. Statistically significant differences were found in participants’ internet use for online shopping (H = 21.05, df = 4, p < .05) and other purposes (H = 14.41, df = 4, p < .05) with Table 4. Kruskal–Wallis H test results of the relationship between internet use purposes and the mother’s education level. Variable Maternal Education level For Education a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University For Entertainment For Communication For Online-Shopping For Other Purposes N Mean rank H df P 136 67 89 33 135 67 89 34 136 67 88 33 134 65 87 33 77 42 48 14 167.81 171.49 166.32 116.98 140.53 168.33 183.17 188.94 143.86 184.18 179.72 149.36 148.97 145.61 172.88 199.17 73.81 111.61 102.99 82.61 9.57 3 .023 d < a,b 16.52 3 .001 d>a c>a 14.41 3 .002 b>a c>a 12.34 3 .006 d > a,b 18.73 3 .001 d > a,b Source of the difference 632 M. K. KOBUL Table 5. Kruskal–Wallis H test results of the relationship between internet use purposes and the father’s education level. Variable Paternal Education level For Education a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University a.Elementary School b.Secondary School c. High School d. University For Entertainment For Communication For Online-Shopping For Other Purposes N Mean rank H df p 77 61 121 62 77 61 122 61 77 61 121 61 75 60 120 60 54 37 57 32 161.84 189.01 153.32 147.39 152.53 165.78 158.69 171.52 150.45 175.48 151.41 176.23 156.61 152.27 151.40 178.68 69.06 92.85 105.82 96.66 8.27 3 .041 1.87 3 .599 – 6.21 3 .102 – 4.42 3 .219 – 15.48 3 .001 respect to their household income levels. To determine the differences, Pair-wise Mann–Whitney U tests which were conducted and they revealed that the internet use for online shopping of participants with very high household income level was statistically higher than the participants with very low (U = 514.00, Z = −3.16, p = .002) and low household income levels (U = 1204.50, Z = −3.72, p = .001). Moreover, the difference found in internet use for other purposes stemmed from the fact that the scores of very high household income group were significantly higher than participants with vey low (U = 173.00, Z = −2.43, p = .015), low (U = 498.50, Z = −2.01, Source of the difference b > c,d a < c,d p = .043) and middle (U = 241.00, Z = −3.41, p = .001) household income levels. 5. Discussion This study set out mainly to investigate Turkish digital natives’ possessions and preferences of technological devices and the internet use frequency, internet use purposes for the constituent components of socioeconomic status: (a) maternal education level (b) paternal education level (c) household income level. The results showed that all participants owned smartphones. The results also showed that only 15.6% of the participants Table 6. Kruskal–Wallis H test results of the relationship between internet use purposes and household income level. Variable Household Income Level N Mean Rank H df p For Education/Learning/Academic a.Very Low b. Low c. Middle d. High e. Very High a.Very Low b. Low c. Middle d. High e. Very High a.Very Low b. Low c. Middle d. High e. Very High a.Very Low b. Low c. Middle d. High e. Very High a.Very Low b. Low c. Middle d. High e. Very High 45 98 79 61 40 45 98 78 61 41 45 98 78 61 40 42 98 76 61 40 25 60 41 30 23 163.82 170.79 171.72 142.98 148.25 145.80 164.52 175.18 149.87 166.73 153.08 162.66 168.38 156.76 161.94 136.06 136.52 174.86 164.23 200.06 77.58 92.47 71.71 100.83 115.54 5.51 4 .239 4.65 4 .325 1.11 4 .893 21.05 4 .001 e > a,b 14.41 4 .006 e>c For Entertainment For Communication For Online-Shopping For Other Purposes Source of the Difference BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY owned a desktop computer, while 74.6% reported owning a laptop computer. These results align with the extant literature that college- or university-level students have more laptops than desktop computers (Baron 2015; Kukulska-Hulme 2012; Ozkan 2010). However, there is merit to mention that they had more laptops but not desktops may be that the participants are mostly mobile and staying in dormitories with a limited capacity of private areas; thus, the compact and compatible nature of laptops seems to be a viable option for them. 5.1. Internet use frequency For the second research question, results show that a relationship exists between participants’ internet use frequency and their maternal and paternal education levels. However, no significant relation was found between participants’ internet use frequency and household income level. The results reveal a considerable difference in participants’ internet use frequency with respect to their maternal education level. Participants, whose mothers are elementary school graduates or less educated, tend to use the internet less than three hours a day. However, quite surprisingly, as the mothers’ education level increases, the duration of internet use gets longer. Most of participants, who use 7 h or more internet, are children of mothers with university or higher degree. In psycho-pathological studies, 7 h or more use of the internet is considered excessive use or internet addiction (Kuss and Lopez-Fernandez 2016). Some recent studies also consider 3 or more hours of internet use as problematic (Anand et al. 2018; Paska and Yan 2011; Shin 2017). However, this result is surprising as the extant literature suggests that children of less-educated mothers have a greater tendency to use the internet excessively (Ni et al., 2009). Druin (2009) also reports that young adults, whose mothers are less educated, spend more time with these technologies at problematic levels. Moreover, current literature reveals that as the mother’s education level decreases, the tendency to develop addictions gets higher (Young 2017). Nonetheless, the results of this study can be attributed to participants’ limited opportunities to access the internet. Alterntatively, due to monetary problems these students might be underprivileged with respect to internet access and the devices that might decrease the duration of internet use (Pachler, Bachmair, and Cook 2010). Similarly in some developing countries access to technological devices and online access can be remarkably expensive and limited (Druin 2009; Jones and Marsden 2006). Furthermore, it is almost axiomatic that as maternal education level 633 increases, so do paternal education and income levels (Arnold and Doctoroff 2003; Macionis 2012; Sirin 2005; Tezcan 2018). Thus, this makes access to technological devices and the internet quite easier than the lower-level groups. This might be the reason for the higher duration of internet use among participants whose mothers have higher education levels. Only 26.1% of the participants self-reported using the internet excessively (more than 7 h). 33.1% of the students used the internet 3 h or less, while 40.8% used 4–6 h daily. These results align with the existing literature suggesting similar results within different parts of the world. Accordingly, Ayub, Hamid, and Nawawi (2014) found that university students use the internet 4.48 h, while some other studies report 2–4 h of internet use daily (Toprakci 2005). In a very different vein, the general tendency to use the internet for long hours can be attributed to participants’ homesickness or other psychological difficulties related to insecurity or culture shock (Christ 2012; Jackson 2012) as most of the students come to the university from different cities and cultures; they are accepted to these universities via a nation-wide central university exam and it was their first year when the data were gathered. A statistically significant association was found concerning paternal education level of the participants. The results indicate that participants who used the internet 3 h or less were children of fathers with elementary school diplomas. However, as the father’s education level increased, namely, high school graduates or higher, the participants were more inclined to use the internet for longer durations. There is lack of work investigating the association between father education level and internet use frequency. Yet, the father’s education level is important because the father is considered the ‘household head’ (Mueller and Parcel 1981) in most cultures globally. In line with this, common wisdom has it that higher and better education means higher income and as the father’s education level increases, the earning also gets higher (Gee 2015; Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov 2010; Tezcan 2018). Higher earning means easier access to technology and the internet. That might be the reason that participants with fathers of higher education use the internet significantly more than fathers with lower education. This result might be attributable to paternal involvement practices of child-rearing. There is a tendency that fathers do not get involved much with their children and act only when they are needed or asked for (Dunckley 2017). However, current literature documents that the higher father’s education level, the stronger they forge the bonds within the family. Moreover, it is almost 634 M. K. KOBUL common sense that internet addiction or other psychopathologies are closely associated with negative family bonds or parent–child alienation (Lam 2015; Paska and Yan 2011). Rather scant research probing into father education level variable mainly rallies around addiction studies. Meşeli Allard (2014) found that children of fathers with undergraduate or higher degrees showed lower levels of nicotine dependency, while higher levels of internet addiction. On the other hand, father-absence is mainly associated with problematic internet use in the literature. Young adults with no father present at home for several reasons such as divorce or abandoning the family have a higher tendency for problematic internet use and/or internet addiction (Eisenstein, Morais, and Ting 2017). Current literature also provides research on problematic use of internet in the absence of father at home which is believed to cause internet addiction as it is considered as a safe place to escape by the younger generation (Young 2017). Thus, these findings corroborate earlier research findings in this sense. No significant difference was in participants’ internet use frequency concerning household income level. Household income is a commonly used sub-construct of socio-economic status/level variable. Researchers have reached controversial results with respect to household income in various fields. However, it is widely known that as income increases, people have better opportunities to get and use the resources provided by society (Macionis 2012; McLoyd 1998; Pachler, Bachmair, and Cook 2010). Put differently, lower-income families are considered mainly as the ‘disadvantaged’ group (Coulmas 2013). To illustrate, common sense suggests that students whose families have higherincome levels are expected to reach the internet and various other high-technology devices easier than lowerincome families. Thus, they are expected to use the internet more frequently, though not necessarily at a problematic level, as they already have easier access whenever they need it (Shin 2017). A recent report in Turkey by British Council (2013) highlights that ‘the share of students who do not have computer or internet access (37%) is much higher in low income households than that among high income households (10%)’ (98). In a study with undergraduate EFL learners Kobul and Yılmaz (2018) found significant differences in participants’ mobile learning readiness levels concerning household income level indicating a positive correlation between income and readiness levels. These works support the access privilege of higher-income families and the disadvantaged status of families with lowerincome levels. Lower-income level families are also considered as cognitively disadvantaged and more likely to manifest symptoms of maladaptive social functioning (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; McLoyd 1998), thus, prone to use the internet excessively (Ni et al., 2009; Paska and Yan 2011; Young 2017). Moore (2017) draws attention to children on the autism spectrum, of which key diagnostic markers ‘lend themselves to early preoccupation with technology to an extent that can result in compulsions or addictions’ (97). In the last decade, there has been a trend among parents to give their children smartphones or tablets and let them play games for long durations, thus sedating them while they are busy doing other things. Accordingly, Baron (2015) warns that ‘handing young children digital devices rather than talking with them hampers development of their communication skills’ (171). This is also reported to inhibit cognitive development (Knight and Nisbett 2007; Marks 2016). Likewise, excessive television viewers are also common within low-income families (Pachler, Bachmair, and Cook 2010). However, contrary evidence is reported in recent research that directly associates problematic internet use or internet addiction with higher income (Kuss and Lopez-Fernandez 2016). Thus, the disagreement on the impact of income on young adults’ internet use frequency will likely remain in flux, at least within the near future. 5.2. Internet use purposes A statistically significant difference was found for all purposes of use regarding participants’ mother education level. Surprisingly, participants with university degree mothers used the internet for academic purposes significantly less than elementary school graduate mothers. There is the scarcity of work investigating the influence of mother education level on university students’ internet use purposes. Recent literature documents that university degree students use the internet mainly for non-academic purposes, such as socialising (i.e. facebook, instagram, twitter, snap chat including Whatsapp) on the net and checking e-mail rather than for academic purposes, not to mention online gaming ( Ravizza, Uitvlugt, and Fenn 2017; Tadasad, Maheswarappa, and Alur 2003, Viswanathan 2009). However, the results can be interpreted with inferences from other works investigating the influence of mother education level on various other disciplines. The findings of this study contradict with the existing literature because mothers with higher education level are known to speak more to their children, use lexically and syntactically more complex sentences in a harmonious and BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY communicative style (Druin 2009; Hoff 2003), read to them more (Arnold and Doctoroff 2003, Heath 1983), provide more teaching experience (Arnold and Doctoroff 2003; Grabe 2009), provide scaffolding and complex verbal strategies (Borduin and Henggeler 1981), get more involved with school matters (Diamond and Gomez 2004). Hence, all these practices contribute much to the cognitive development of their children. Even more remarkable is the fact that mothers with higher education levels regulate and monitor the duration of TV their children watch (Hess et al., 1984). Conventional wisdom has it that people from lowersocioeconomic level strata are more likely to watch TV for longer hours (Pachler, Bachmair, and Cook 2010). Taking these aspects and empirical evidence into account it can be inferred that a lower mother education level might lead to, as Bradley and Corwyn (2002) put it ‘poorer self-regulation and less academic and psychosocial competence’ (385), thus maladaptive functioning. There is an abundance of work documenting the close relationship between lower maternal education level with dysfunctional or maladaptive behaviour and neglectful and harsh parenting practices which lead to lower school performance (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Heath 1983; Sirin 2005; Tezcan 2018). Hence, based on the evidence from the studies cited, mothers with higher education are expected to monitor and regulate their children’s internet use as they do with TV watching times; thus, participants whose mothers have higher education are more likely to use the internet significantly more for academic purposes than participants whose mothers have lower education level. Findings reveal statistically significant differences only in internet use for academic purposes concerning father education level. Yet, no significant difference was found for entertainment, communication and online shopping purposes. Further analyses indicated that the difference stems from significantly higher internet use of participants whose fathers had secondary school education than other groups. There is a palpable dearth of studies directly investigating the association between father education level and internet use. Although the father’s education level is considered highly important as it is typically associated with the father’s occupation and household’s income level (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Erola, Jalonen, and Lehti 2016; Park 2015), there is a scant of work in this field. Earlier studies were more interested in the father’s education solely for its effect on their labour force status (Sirin 2005). However, the results obtained here contradict some literature findings. It is well established that as the education level of the father increases, the attitude towards school and learning gets more positive. Fathers 635 get more inclined to value literacy practices and provide a wide range of opportunities to access educational materials activities that stimulate learning (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Li 2007). Educated middle-class fathers’ children are known to have higher education (Erola, Jalonen, and Lehti 2016; McIntyre 2010; Park 2015; Tezcan 2018) as their fathers get more involved and monitor their children’s schooling and academic issues (Garton and Pratt 2009) resulting in longer schooling and higher academic achievement. In this sense, participants whose fathers had higher education seem more likely to use the internet more for academic purposes. Another remarkable result from this study is that participants use the internet for educational/learning/academic and non-academic purposes. This result corroborates earlier research findings which suggest that young adults use the internet for learning and/or academic and non-academic purposes (Ayub, Hamid, and Nawawi 2014; Hawi 2012; Toprakci, 2007). However, there is the dearth of work conducted particularly to investigate the association between the household income level and young adults’ internet use purposes. Internet provides a wide range of highly stimulating and rewarding environments which offer inherently pleasant things, and current literature provides mounds of data that internet use is most commonly associated with socialising, video watching, online gaming, and shopping rather than academic and/or learning purposes among young adults (Paska and Yan 2011; Park 2015; Tam 2017; Viswanathan 2009). Statistical analyses did not yield any significant effect of household income on participants’ internet use for academic purposes. However, empirical evidence suggests that as the household income level increases, participants are more likely to arrange their time more appropriately for academic or educational goals than float through online social media. Higher-income parents spend more time and have richer exchanges with their students (Bradley and Corwyn 2002) rather than letting them do whatever they want, such as playing online games or surfing the internet frivolously. Furthermore, Barkhuizen (2004) remarks that middle-class families have higher achieving students and compared to working-class houses since there are more home-literacy materials (Gee 2015; Grabe 2009) and more literacy practices, such as ‘story-telling and educationaltype toys’ (Barkhuizen, 557). Consequently, children of affluent families engage more with literacy practices that match with school literacy practices (Heath, 1983) and come to school more advantaged than low-income families with respect to school readiness, academic achievement (Christie 2010) and study time 636 M. K. KOBUL management and skills (Samruayruen et al. 2013). Thence, participants from more affluent families are more likely to use the internet for meaningful and academic purposes rather than float through aimlessly. Household income had a significant effect only on the use of the internet for online shopping. In line with the expectations, the findings suggest that internet use for online shopping increases as the household income level raises (Bourlakis, Papagiannidis, and Fox 2008; Jusoh and Ling 2012; Lubis 2018). This can be attributed to the general spending habits of youth (Furnham 1999; Jorgensen and Savla 2010). Yet, people can spend up to 100% more online than they would spend in cash since there is no pain of payment (Prelec and Loewenstein 1998; Prelec and Simester 2001). Thus, participants with higher household incomes are already expected to use the internet more for online shopping, which corroborates these findings. However, these results contradict some published studies concerning purchasing behaviour of lower socioeconomic groups. The analyses of this study revealed that participants from lower household income level families do significantly less online shopping. However, literature indicates that lower socio-economic strata are more likely to do ‘impulse purchasing’ i.e. purchase suddenly and more frequently (Szmigin and Piacentini 2018) and are less likely to evaluate the product according to different criteria, such as pondering the pros and cons, price, availability of alternative products option, confidence in the brand, etc., before purchase. Likewise, there is substantial evidence that people with lower household incomes are more inclined to purchase online app (Mueller and de Zwaan 2008; Shin 2017; Tam 2017). 6. Conclusion Although numerous scholars have labelled the current young generation as digital natives or millennials as an almost homogenous construct with peculiarities with a non-exhaustive list of different learning styles, preferences, cognitive skills, better skills of technology use, etc., there is the dearth of empirical data published depicting how these digital natives are different with respect to their use of these newer technologies and the internet. literature is abundant, suggesting that younger generations have perennially been exposed to their adults’ perceptions, intuitions, beliefs, stereotypes, sometimes prejudices about them. Furthermore, many studies suggest that some opinions of adults about their youngsters cannot go beyond mere perceptions rather than being empirical. In line with this, there is empirical evidence that the younger generation might not be as tech-savvy as adults assume them to be. What’s more, they are roughly considered as if they were a socially homogenous group of digital natives, yet these kinds of assumptions seem to be complex and largely elusive. Recent literature reveals that most groups labelled or assumed as homogenous are largely heterogenous in reality (Mueller and Parcel 1981; Phillips and Lonigan 2005). Our findings indicate that, like many other sociological and psychological constructs, digital native is contingent upon some socioeconomic level variables. This study, conducted with undergraduate students enrolled in an undergraduate preparatory programme for learners of English as a foreign language at a university in the North-Eastern coast of Turkey, offers considerable insight into the internet use frequency and purposes of the current young generation. The most striking finding to emerge from the study is that it provides additional evidence to the idea that it would not be wise to consider the younger generation, i.e. digital natives, as a homogenous construct or a monolithic group. Remarkably, significant differences were found in participants’ internet use frequency and use purposes. As with other social phenomenonon in life, digital natives also take their share from social stratificiation and show significant differences concerning father and mother education level and household income level. Internet use frequency of the participants differs significantly for mother and father education level yet, surprisingly, not for household income level. Participants whose mothers had graduate degrees used the internet significantly more than children of elementary school graduate mothers. Similarly, results revealed that participants whose fathers had high school and above degrees used the internet significantly more than fathers with elementary and middle school graduation. These can be attributed to the almost common-sense assumption that as the education level increases, people get better jobs with better earnings which leads to easier access to commodities their society provides, including internet access. Interestingly, the controversy about the impact of household income on internet use frequency has raged unabated for the last two decades. Many studies published offer contradictory findings, which also urge the need for more studies in different fields. Internet use purposes of participants also show significant variation with respect to mother education levels. General wisdom suggests that mothers with higher education communicate more and better with their children and exercise proper supervision for their children. These and other practices of mothers with higher education, such as providing more scaffolding, literacy and teaching practices and materials, BEHAVIOUR & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY contribute significantly to the cognitive development of their children. Thus, these young adults who were born and raised with such literacy practices and systematic monitoring are known to have more ‘organized’ or ‘literate minds’ (Gee 1986; Goody and Watt 1963; Ong 2013) which help them regulate their time and activities more efficiently. They are also known to have higher educational attainment and academic achievement in their future lives. However, quite surprisingly, the results of this study showed that internet use for academic/learning purposes decreased as the maternal education level increased. Moreover, the participants whose mothers finished high school or higher degree selfreported using the internet for non-academic purposes, such as entertainment, significantly more than middle and elementary school graduates. Father education level is another important covariant of socioeconomic level that emerged from this study. Although the father education level is gaining a great deal of visibility as a covariant of research on a socioeconomic level, the research literature addressing the concept has remained exceptionally fragmented so far. It is well known that fathers, mainly considered as the household head, have a great contribution to the general atmosphere of the house as they are the breadwinners. Their education level and professions affect their lifestyle considerably. The way people communicate with other people and establish a relationship with their children are remarkably determined mainly by fathers’ level of education. Fathers with higher education provide a warmer home environment and develop closer bonds and better communication with their children. Children who have stronger bonds with their fathers are less likely to show dysfunctional or maladaptive behaviour and more likely to have better academic achievement and social relations within the community. These lead to more organised, systematic and purposeful time management and fewer problematic relations and escapist behaviour as the internet offers a wide array of stimulating and pleasant opportunities making it one of the easiest places to escape or hide when children have problems with their family and school. Another crucial finding of the study demonstrates that these young adults are not as tech-savvy as they are assumed to be. They might be spending too much time online, even excessively, yet this does not necessarily guarantee that they make the best of their time for academic purposes and improve themselves. They mainly log on to the internet for social media and gaming purposes. How long they stay online and what they do on the internet are heavily influenced by their mother and father’s education level and household income. Particularly, as the household income increases 637 online shopping of young adults also increases. However, this does not help or lead to internet use for academic purposes. Likewise, there is compelling evidence that ownership of personal computers in the household has no impact on adolecents’ internet use and frequency for academic purposes. It has been almost a tradition for adults to criticise or label their youth. This aspect can be traced back to the ancient past as it is named as the ‘Socrates Legacy’. Thus, the generational gap or conflict phenomenon has been a perennial debate among scholars. Digital native seems to be a new buzzword that the adults coin the younger generation today. Data from several sources, including this study, have identified that assumptions or labels on the practices of current new generation should be exercised with caution rather than being taken for granted. Apparently, it is difficult to present an operational definition of what constitutes a digital native. The relationship between digital natives and digital literacy is also being questioned. However, digital literacy is also considered a controversial phenomenon per se in that there is no comprehensive definition suggested or a scale available to measure one’s digital literacy. There is merit to highlight that considerable differences exist between Western societies and Turkey context for gender roles, child-rearing practices along economic structure of the countries. The significant contribution of this study has been to provide data from a society that has been documented to have remarkable cultural, economical, and political peculiarities. 6.1. Limitations and further implications There is the palpable dearth of work on the actual behaviour of this new young generation. This study provides key insights into the significance of avoiding such stereotypical or presumptive overgeneralisations about contemporary youth. However, it bears some limitations. A convenience sample from a North-East coast University of Turkey might constitute some limitations though the participants were already accepted to university by a nationwide exam from different cities of Turkey. Thus, further studies with more participants from diverse backgrounds in different regions, cultures and socioeconomic levels might help dispel the myths and contribute substantially to enhance our understanding of this newer generation’s relationship with technology and their peculiarities. Internet use frequency of the participants differs significantly for mother and father education level. Since research into internet use already piles on psycho- 638 M. K. 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